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| Charles and Pourewa's grave and memorial (1994) |
Charles' ancestry and his life before he came to New Zealand is obscure, and it has been difficult to discover anything verifiable.
The purpose of this post is to gather what is known about Charles - with evidence - and to separate out what has been perpetuated as fact but has no supporting evidence. It may be that someone has relevant information or evidence, and it would be so wonderful if this came to light. Family stories and anecdotes are valuable clues, but we have very few of them to work with. They may not be entirely reliable, as versions can change over time, and facts could have been altered or never shared with following generations. But they are a start!
In the meantime, it may be possible to learn more about the life and times of Charles, Pourewa and their family by placing them in the context of histories and publications of the times. Any speculation will be clearly identified as such, and this post will be edited and updated if new facts come to light. I am happy to be proved wrong or challenged on any of my information, as it can only help to get to the real story of our ancestors.
This post focuses on the "where?", "when?" "what?", and "who with?" of Charles in the early days of his arrival in New Zealand. His life with Pourewa and family will be the focus of the next post.
In Richard Cossill's obituary (November 1931), it states that his father Charles was from Suffolk. Charles must have told his family this, as it's unlikely they would know from any other source. Most online family tree and research records state that Charles was born in Rattlesden, Suffolk, either in 1800, 1808 or 1810. I would love to know where the Rattlesden information came from and who added it first, as they might have the evidence to prove this.
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| Location of Rattlesden, Suffolk |
I have searched all available online births for Rattlesden and Suffolk - and for Charles Cossill and variants of its spelling - and can find no record to support or confirm this. Neither can I find any evidence of any Cossills - or variants - in Rattlesden or Suffolk births, deaths and marriage records in the relevant time frame - or with any hint of a connection to our Charles' ancestry. I even searched Australian shipping lists, and Australian convict lists beginning with the letters C, K and G, supposing Charles came to New Zealand from Australia - but no luck.
Fun fact: Henry Rosieur, the husband of Charles and Pourewa's daughter Maggie, was born in Stowmarket, Suffolk, about 8 kilometres from Rattlesden.
Richard's obituary also notes that Charles was a sailor. It's possible he did leave England as a sailor, but it could be that it was a means to an end, and once he was on land, sailing was for getting from A to B, as he seems to have been very much land based from what information we have. There would have been work on sailing vessels had he been a mariner by choice. It is difficult to imagine that he was a sea captain - as has been suggested in some information - as we can safely assume he was illiterate from his not being able to write his name on his marriage registration. Literacy must surely be a prerequisite to be a sea captain.
Also in his obituary, there's a brief nod towards Richard's Māori ancestry with a romanticised mention of Charles falling in love with a native lady. It is interesting to note that even after 95 years since the marriage (1836 - 1931), the family (who must have contributed the information for the obituary) were still well aware of the historical significance of the marriage, including that Bishop William Williams officiated - even though he didn't become a bishop until later. This must have been a commonly known story within the family - and must have been retold with a certain amount of pride by either one or both of Charles and Pourewa for it to have endured and been considered as worthy of inclusion in their son's obituary nearly 100 years later.
I have also looked for clues in DNA matches through Ancestry.com and My Heritage. The great news is, it's fairly easy to identify DNA matches with other descendants of Charles and Pourewa. The exciting news is that some of them were never aware of this side of their ancestry, and it's been wonderful being able to contact them and share information. The bad news is that I can find no obvious connections or clues to either Charles' or Pourewa's ancestry - yet.
Note: If you are a Charles and Pourewa descendant and have had your DNA tested, note that you may well show high cM matches with many other people with varying degrees of Polynesian ancestry with no connection to New Zealand or likely connection with Pourewa. This is more to do with the limitations of the methods used to measure and analyse data and to recognise and use data from smaller ethnic populations. Because of the limited number of Māori arrivals to New Zealand over time - and the country's geographical isolation - as well as the limited and isolated nature of their homeland population - it is overwhelmingly likely that any one with Māori /Polynesian ancestry had an individual ancestor multiple times. This is not able to be accommodated in DNA testing at present, the upshot being that some of the results can be skewed. There's a whole lot more science behind that if you want to investigate more.
Neva Clarke McKenna, in her book Mangonui - Gateway to the Far North, writes that it was thought that Charles came from Suffolk, England, and she probably used Richard's obituary as a reference. She includes variants of the spelling of Cossill from other sources: Cossall, Cossell, and even Copele.
Fun Fact Update: information recently shared has evidence that Charles and Pourewa's daughter Mary (Buchet's) maiden name was given as Copel on her marriage certificate, even though Cossel was recorded on her intention to marry. Similarly another daughter Margaret (Rosieur) used Copell as her maiden name on her intention to marry and her marriage certificate, even though her mother's name is given as Margaret Cossell giving permission and witnessing the marriage.
Richard Cossill's obituary states that Charles came to New Zealand on a brig to load spars at Hokianga for the Imperial Government.
McKenna also writes that Charles Cossill arrived in New Zealand in 1831 or 1832 on Captain Ranulph Dacre's schooner The Darling captained by John Skelton. I'm not sure where she got the information that Charles was on board, but it must be available somewhere - probably in the sources listed in her bibliography. Captain Ranulph Dacre had visited the Hokianga in 1827 to take a load of spars, first on the Surrey and later his own vessel the Lucy Ann. There are records of 11 (unnamed) sawyers permanently settled at Mangamuka by 1834, attached to the shipbuilding yards at Horeke (Hokianga Harbour). Elsewhere it is recorded that in 1831, Dacre had a contract to supply 100 spars to the Admiralty. Skelton bought land on Dacre's behalf at Mongonui and Mercury Bay, but the entire company fled when attacked by Māori. Subsequently, Dacre organised Gordon D Browne to complete the contract. If Charles was with Dacre's group he would have had to have been in Australia already, and would have returned, as indicated, with the entire company. If he was in Browne's group, he still would have left from Australia, but may have stayed on in New Zealand afterwards.
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| Captain Ranulph Dacre |
It is possible that Charles could have come to New Zealand several times before he finally settled here. There is still more research needed to get a concise timeline of events and movements.
Timber export sites 1829 - 39 (From Logging Native Forests - Encyclopedia of NZ)
The online biography of Stephen Wrathall (senior) gives us some of the only recorded evidence of Charles Cossill and an enticing insight into who he might have been. Wrathall's account doesn't entirely match dates, events, locations and details in family trees, nor other records and published information. It was written by descendants transcribing his diary but still gives us a few names, places and contexts to work with. Wrathall's story also reads as if he was a major player in the founding of pre-colonial enterprise in several places in Australia and New Zealand, but it is difficult to find corroborating evidence. There are few dates included in the biography, and some are wildly inaccurate, but shipping records place the Wrathall family arriving in Hobart, Tasmania, from England in April 1831. Neva Clarke McKenna notes, however, that Stephen Wrathall was a member of Ranulph Dacre's party arriving in New Zealand on the Darling in the early 1830s to collect spars. (Wrathall's biography doesn't mention this.) Again - more research is necessary to tease the facts from the fiction.
Note: Read the comments at the end of this blog for a suggestion that Wrathall's book was a work of fiction - which explains the significant inaccuracies. Still, it gives names of real people who were there in the early years of European contact. It was still useful to read the fictional biography, as I discovered more facts by trying to verify the details than if I had ignored it completely. I leave my findings as written below and alert readers to be wary of using any of Wrathall's story as fact. Still, it remains a jolly good yarn.
McKenna also states that the group of sawyers sent to Taipa in 1831 set up sawmills and married Māori girls. This certainly could be a likely context for Charles and Pourewa meeting - although it doesn't quite fit with the version of all Dacre's men packing up and returning to Australia after being attacked by Māori. McKenna may not have had access to Wrathall's biography - or was aware of it and discounted it - as it does not appear in her bibliography.
Taipa, Mangonui and Paewhenua Island
According to his story, at some stage in the early to mid 1830s, Wrathall Senior with two of his sons, Stephen Junior and John, set out for New Zealand on the schooner Mary Ann to bring goods to trade with Māori. Anchoring at Doubtless Bay, he saw immediate opportunities in the tall kauri trees which grew right down to the water's edge. Inexplicably, this is dated in his diary as November 8th 1812 - when, clearly he was still in England. He arranged with local chief Pawai to "buy" land at Taipa in exchange for goods which he had brought with him for the express purpose of establishing an ongoing relationship of mutual benefit with the chief. I can find no other reference to Pawai in online records apart from a single mention in Papers Past in relation to a group of Māori disgruntled with a land sale in Manganui [sic] attributed to him. His name does not appear on the Treaty of Waitangi,
The story continues that having established a base at Taipa, and gaining further access to land, Wrathall senior sent the captain of the Mary Ann back to Australia to bring back more goods, equipment and personnel to set up his timber milling operation. According to his dairy, Wrathall requested the captain bring back Berghan, Beldon, Flavell, Snowden, Rosieur, and Downes. He also arranged for his head pitman, Cossil [sic], to come back and bring with him four 10-foot heavy plate saws, twelve 8-foot and ten 6-foot medium plate saws, and 12 crosscut saws ranging from 7 to 10 feet. It was Cossil's job to see that suitable men were engaged to come to New Zealand. It is clear that the afore-mentioned men were already known to, and probably employed by, Wrathall in Australia. Only surnames are used, but it likely that the Cossill mentioned is based on our Charles Cossil. This is where it gets interesting, though, and the timeline goes awry - Henry Rosieur was in born 1826, UK and married Charles and Pourewa's daughter Margaret (Maggie) (born 1843). Rosieur's name is not mentioned again? Similarly, the aforementioned Belden may be based on Thomas Marquis Beldon (born USA between 1830 and 1840) who married Charles and Pourewa's daughter Murilla. Again, there are many parts of Wrathall's story that don't add up, so any information taken from it would need some extra evidence for verification.
According to Wrathall, he and his sons remained behind in Taipa to set up their establishment in preparation for the arrival of the workers. Thirty-eight days later the captain returned with the order fulfilled, and with help of local Māori, everything was unloaded and everyone was settled in. Work began the next day, and continued uninterrupted. Wrathall employed enough "native" men to man the pits under Cossil's supervision, while Flavell and Snowden were placed in charge of bush felling and rafting operations. Cossil paired each Māori with an expert and soon all were proficient. Such was the quality and quantity of the timber that the makeshift huts and store rooms were replaced with wooden structures and shelving. Pawai visited and, according to the biography, was impressed with the results and was "pleased to know that [his men] were doing the work to the satisfaction of Wrathall's foreman" (our Charles). Pawai and Wrathall negotiated further land at nearby Orutu (Oruru) (about 800 acres) in exchange for goods and services (including the erection of buildings for Pawai). Wrathall decided to use the land for pasture and returned to Australia to make arrangements to bring more goods - and cattle - back to New Zealand.
Note also the degree of responsibility and leadership that Cossil appears to have had. Surely he would need to be literate to carry out Wrathall's expectations? This doesn't fit with the simple cross on his eventual marriage registration.
According to the biography, Wrathall exhorted his sons Stephen and John to maintain good relations with Pawai and the natives. He foresaw significant entrepreneurial opportunities for himself and his family by being amongst the first to establish trade and land acquisition. Even so, his biography portrays him as an honourable man of integrity who insisted on open, honest and fair dealings with Māori and all his workers, and who may have exploited the natural resources but not his workers. It seems he certainly understood how to keep his customers satisfied.
ACcording to the story, Cossil, as foreman, was left with various instructions and was entrusted to continue the enterprise in Wrathall's absence, including having another load of flitched timber ready for the return of the Mary Ann. Pawai had promised to send more men to help if needed, and Wrathall had secured his protection of the establishment during his absence.
Wrathall duly returned with cattle, sheep and horses, much to the amazement of the local Māori who had never seen such like before, and son John was charged with establishing the farm at Orutu (Oruru). And so a booming trade began - with no money in circulation - with Māori being able to absorb all the goods brought from Australia on the return trip from delivering timber.
Such was the mutual benefit that Pawai and Wrathall saw in securing a long-term relationship with each other, that Pawai offered Stephen Wrathall Junior a high-born woman, Marae Inototo (some variant spelling), as a wife - which he accepted. The marriage took place in 1833 according to Wrathall family tree details, some include Rawene as a location. If the marriage was formalised by a minister of the church, it would easily pre-date Charles and Pourewa's record-holding interracial marriage status. The biography suggests that this happened in the early 1820s which is clearly wrong, and also that their first-born child, Anne (born 1835 according to Wrathall family trees) was the first European child born in New Zealand - totally ignoring her Māori heritage through her mother, let alone the numerous missionary children of 100% English parentage born well before this.
This brings it up to about the time of Charles and Pourewa's marriage in 1836.
Although the biography does not mention the Treaty of Waitangi, it certainly alludes to its inevitability and its aftermath. This helps place the events in their chronological context - which, again - is out of kilter with the few dates that are given. The consequences of the Treaty certainly had an impact on the Wrathalls as their land had to be surveyed and ownership verified. According to the story, Stephen junior's cattle farm at Orutu (called Pawai block and misspelled Parawai Block, and which seems to have increased in acreage since its original purchase) was reduced to 1500 acres of the original 10,000 acres, but he was allowed to pay grazing rights for the remainder.
The pre-Treaty currency of barter was replaced with the coin of the realm, and Wrathall, according to his story, was then able to pay his workers in both kind and coin. As town sections became available in Mangonui, Wrathalls bought up several of them and built the Donnybrook Hotel on one of them in 1842. Wrathall wrote that he put Flavell, one of his original bushmen, in charge of running it, with enough credits from his Taipa bush work to pay a two-thirds deposit. The hotel was to become famous - or infamous - and well patronised by locals and visitors alike. Similarly, Wrathall started one of his sawyers, Downes, in a hotel called "The Donkey's Nest" in Whangaroa. The story states that Cossil was set up with a cottage and an area on the island at the headwaters of the Mangonui Harbour and the balance of 700 pounds in cash. This is Paewhenua Island where Pourewa is buried, so there is clearly some recognised proof of the early connection between the Cossills and the island - but Wrathall's part has yet to be validated. Snowden was given two bush areas, one in Whangaroa and one at Oruaiti Stoney Creek plus 200 pounds cash. Berghan was given a block of land at Taipa Heads and an area at Pararanui, with 100 pounds cash settlement. All the above-mentioned land had gradually fallen into the hands of Wrathall senior as the results of advances of provisions to Pawai under the bartering system.
The story states that the original party of sawyers and bush hands had all married Māori women and were all living in the Whangaroa and Mangonui districts - with numerous offspring all well known to subsequent settlers. This is a credible explanation for where Charles and Pourewa could have first met, although there are other factors still to consider. Wrathall decided it was time to take stock of, and wind up, his businesses and had Mr Beldon, his chief clerk, organise the paperwork so that he could leave his two sons financially independent in New Zealand and return to live out his last years in Australia.
On the evening prior to Wrathall's departure, an almighty farewell dinner was held at the Donnybrook Hotel. No doubt Charles would have attended this, as it is noted that Downes of the Donkey's Nest and other leading citizens and friends as well as three Nga Puhi chiefs were present for this reunion. Apparently the party lasted for three days even though Wrathall left for Australia after the first night, and that it was an event remembered for many years to follow.
Fun Fact: Sarah (Sally Wells) who married Charles and Pourewa's son Richard Cossill, was the sister of Elizabeth Wells who married Stephen Wrathall III, son of Stephen Wrathall and Marae Inototo, and grandson of Stephen Wrathall I who employed Charles Cossil at Mangonui.
Timeline of some relevant and verified dates:
Includes random and unconnected information as discovered.
- 1827 Ranulph Dacre takes his first load of spars from the Hokianga Harbour (after reconnaissance visit in 1825)
- 1831 European settlement begins in Taipa, with Ranulph Dacre bringing schooner Darling to Taipa river mouth to load spars. Stephen Wrathall was one of the crew and was first white settler in Taipa, although was moved off by Ngapuhi. (Charles Cossill presumably part of Dacre's party.) [Mangonui Sewerage Report, 1988, p.23, 3.5]
- 1832 Dacre opened large scale trading operation at Hokianga.
- 1836: (October 20) Charles and Pourewa married in Waimate Parish by William Williams
Late 1830s, Pororua and Kiwa, Ngapuhi chiefs, granted Butler, a former whaling captain, use of the Paewhenua Island and Pukakawa blocks in Mangonui harbour.
- 1839: by 1839, at least 11 resident sawyers living at Mangonui.
This is clearly a work in progress and will be edited, amended or extended as new information arises. Hopefully, it will help us get to know a little bit more about Charles and Pourewa and the world they lived in.
Sources:
- 1832 Dacre opened large scale trading operation at Hokianga.
- 1836: (October 20) Charles and Pourewa married in Waimate Parish by William Williams
Late 1830s, Pororua and Kiwa, Ngapuhi chiefs, granted Butler, a former whaling captain, use of the Paewhenua Island and Pukakawa blocks in Mangonui harbour.
- 1839: by 1839, at least 11 resident sawyers living at Mangonui.
This is clearly a work in progress and will be edited, amended or extended as new information arises. Hopefully, it will help us get to know a little bit more about Charles and Pourewa and the world they lived in.
Sources:
- Ngāti Māhanga - a Pākehā family search for their Māori ancestry by Nigel Cooper (1990)
- Ngā uri o Pourewa : a Pākehā family discovers its Māori ancestry by Nigel Cooper (2005)
- Mangonui Gateway to the Far North by Neva Clarke McKenna (1990)
- New Zealand Births, Deaths and Marriages Online (NZBDM)
- My Heritage
- Ancestry.com
- New Zealand: the first British arrivals, 1769-1839 - Jock Phillips
- Ranulph Dacre and Patuone's Topknot - Frank Rogers. (Stout Centre Review March1995)
- TOITU TE WHENUA E Only the land remains, constant and enduring. Muriwhenua Land Claim (Wai-45) A Preliminary Report on the Historical Evidence Barry Rigby and John Koning Waitangi Tribunal Division 4 December 1989
- INTERMARRIAGE: ITS ROLE AND IMPORTANCE WITHIN EARLY NEW ZEALAND SHORE WHALING STATIONS. A thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in History at Massey University, Emily V. Owen (2007). This can be found on Google Search but links don't work for downloaded documents
- Transcription of the Biography of Stephen Wrathall (1779 -1872)
- Whakawhanaungatanga Using DNA, Part 1 of 3: It's Complicated (Easy to find links to Parts 2 and 3 from here). Can thoroughly recommend this, and I know the person presenting the webinar.- Muriwhenua Land Report (1997)
- Marriage in Early New Zealand (from Matters of the Heart: A History of Interracial Marriage in New Zealand, by Angela Wanhalla)
- The New Zealand Timber and Flax Trade 1769 - 1840 by Roger Phillip Wigglesworth (1981)
- Logging Native Forests - Encyclopedia of NZ - summary of information covering this period.
- Mangonui Sewerage Report, Waitangi Tribunal (1988)
